Irina Shilova
Building the Bolshevik Calendar
Through Pravda and Izvestiia
The calendar
is a unique instrument of the regulation of social life and of political
control. Robert Poole writes that the study of calendrical changes, especially
in periods of political and social upheavals and revolutions, “can bring
spectacular results.”[1] The study of the new calendar which the Bolsheviks
created after the Revolution of 1917 confirms this statement. On December 2, 1918 [2] the Council of
People’s Commissars issued the Pravila ob ezhenedel’nom otdykhe i
prazdnichnych dniach (“Regulations
for Weekly Rest and Holidays”), in which they introduced the list of the new
Soviet holidays.[3] These holidays did
not appear from nowhere: before their official announcement there was a period
when they were created – that is, a period of initial organization and
propaganda. The biggest part of this
propaganda emerged through the Soviet major newspapers Pravda and Izvestiia. The anniversaries of many revolutionary
events were presented in these newspapers as special dates. For example, the funeral for the victims of
the February Revolution of March 23, 1917; Lenin’s return from abroad on April
3, 1917; Karl Marx’s centenary on April 21, 1917; and even the ten-year
anniversary of disbandment of the Second State Duma on June 3, 1917, as well as
many other dates and events, were presented at that period in Pravda and Izvestiia as worthy of annual
commemoration, and, consequently, the dates associated with them as viable for
inclusion into the new Soviet calendar. In
this article I investigate the process of legitimating the system of the new
Bolshevik holidays in Pravda and Izvestiia that brought about the documented
establishment of the first Soviet state calendar in the above-mentioned
“Regulations.”
Printed media
from the post-Revolutionary era are an important source for studying the
creations, functions, disappearances, and establishments of the new Soviet
holidays. [4] If the goal of this
investigation were to explore the holiday as an event, it would be more
productive to compare every new holiday’s coverage by the newspapers with
different political orientations, by memoirs, private correspondences, diaries
and official reports. However, my
analysis of material is limited only to Pravda and Izvestiia: this limitation allows investigating not only changes in the system of the
holidays, but also the Bolshevik party’s and the Soviet government’s policies
in creating a new ritual calendar, because these major newspapers reflected
these policies to the greatest extent. Reading
the newspaper coverage against the background of the state printed calendars,
which presented the new ritual year as a law, also contributes to a deeper
understanding of the Bolshevik policy in choosing the system of holidays
wherein they produced the text of “Regulations for Weekly Rest and Holidays,”
the document that paved the way for creation of the state Soviet calendar.
However, by
studying the newspaper material, we can only make those assumptions which concern
information the Bolshevik ideologists intended to bring to the public. This information does not necessarily reflect
their goals in creation of holidays, nor does it reflect how they were really
celebrated and how people accepted them. However, such an approach does give us a
well-defined perspective on the dynamics of development of the Soviet calendar.
Amitai Etzioni rightly notes: “Holidays have a special methodological merit
that makes them particularly attractive to students of societies: They provide
indicators that help us to ascertain the attributes of large collectives.”[5]
However, in order to recognize these indicators correctly, it is necessary to
study the holidays in the process of their establishment or disappearance.
In the post-Revolutionary years, different
calendars were printed; among them were not only the traditional Church miesiatseslovy, but also those that were published by people
and organizations that were in opposition to the Bolshevik party. One such
calendar, for example, was the Kalendar’ Al’manach na 1918 god (“Calendar-Almanac for 1918”), in which we can find scorching criticism of
Bolshevik politics. [6] However, in this
study I will turn to the official state printed calendars that were published
by state publishing houses. Among them the best-known were Kalendar’ kommunista (“Calendar of a Communist”), Kalendar’-spravochnik
kommunista (“Calendar–Reference Book of a Communist”), Kalendar’
derevenskogo rabotnika (“Calendar of the Country Worker”), Kalendar’ derevenskogo kommunista (“Calendar of the
Village Communist”), Krestianskii nastol’nyi kalendar’ ‘Krasnaia derevnia’ (“Peasant Top-Desk Calendar ‘Red Village’”),
and the simply entitled Kalendar’ (“Calendar”).
The most important of these for my investigation will be the “Calendar of a
Communist,” which they began to publish in 1923 very regularly and in large
editions.
The new
printed calendar had to replace sviattsy; thus, instead of the names of
Christian martyrs, beside the dates many calendars provided the names of
revolutionaries and Bolsheviks, the dates of their births and deaths, and their
deeds. The Kalendar’ derevenskogo kommunista na 1926 god (“Calendar of the Village Communist for 1926”), for example, actually replaces sviattsy by providing the new revolutionary names. These names were invented after the Revolution
and were derived from the popular political terms and names of famous
revolutionaries. For example, beside the
date “1 May” is printed the following information: in 1890 on this day was the
first celebration of May Day in Europe, in 1916 – the demonstration
against the war in Berlin, and
Karl Liebknecht was arrested. In the
same cell of the calendar grid are given the new names: “Danton, Marat, May,
Phillip, Kommunara, Maiia, Tamara.”
In the most of
the Bolshevik calendars up to 1929, the first page contained a list of special
dates; this was divided into three parts. In the first part the six rest days,
which were proclaimed as the state holidays in the “Regulations,” were listed;
in the second part – the religious holidays, which were also rest days; and in
the third part were the revolutionary anniversaries – that is, the working
days, but marked in the calendar as special ones. Unlike religious holidays,
which were gradually diminishing, the number of revolutionary anniversaries-working
days was increasing toward 1929.
The
“Regulations for Weekly Rest and Holidays” introduced a new system of holidays
– in Russian, prazdniki.[7] The
word ‘prazdnik’ was used in the Russian pre-Revolutionary calendars to designate the Christian
Orthodox feasts as well as state celebrations of the birthdays of the Tsar
family’s members; in colloquial Russian, however, this word had a much broader
meaning. It meant a rest day and special
working day; in other words, any special day or event for the community, as
well as for the life of an individual. [8] In Bolshevik printed calendars published up to
1925 this word was used only for designation of the religious feasts and New
Year’s Day. [9] After 1926, they were called bytovyie prazdniki (’holidays of the everyday life’). The new Bolshevik holidays were not called prazdniki, but godovshchiny (“anniversaries”), nerabochiie dni (“non-working days”), dni otdykha (“rest days”), and krasnyie dni (“red days”). Rejection of the word prazdnik is very significant and can be
explained by the fact that it was associated with the religious and imperial
holidays of the pre-Revolutionary calendar. The Bolsheviks wanted not only to
change it, but to replace it by a new, completely different calendar. However,
the printed calendars demonstrate their authors’ difficulties in avoiding the
use of the word prazdnik.[9] They
manage to avoid the word in the grids indicating the dates, but in articles
devoted to the explanation of new Soviet holidays’ meanings they use this word
much more often than the new terms for the special dates. We see the same practice in the newspapers: in
articles about new special dates, authors use “prazdnik” even for the memorial days (for example, in
the articles about “Bloody Sunday,” the Memorial Day devoted to the
commemoration of victims of the public massacre in Petrograd
in 1905.) [10]) In this study I will use prazdnik for designation of holiday, feast, memorial
day, rest day, family celebration, and festival, because all these English
words can be translated into Russian as ‘prazdnik.’
We can distinguish a few shorter periods in the
development of the Soviet state calendar over the whole Soviet period. Its
first variation of 1917-1929 can be called the ‘Bolshevik calendar.’ In September 1929 the Soviet government made a
decision concerning its ultimate change: they introduced a five-day week,
excluded all religious holidays, and decreased the number of common rest-days
to five. The result was the ‘Stalin calendar,’ which marked the new period of
five-year plans. Although this decree introduced a five-day week (later changed
to a six-day week), this proved unsuccessful, and in 1940 the seven-day week
was brought back; its system of the holidays, meanwhile, which were introduced
in 1929, existed up to 1954. This calendar was partially and gradually modified
during the period from 1954 to 1970s and, up to the time of the Soviet
Union’s collapse, functioned with minor changes.
The
development of the Bolshevik calendar of 1917-1929 can in turn be divided into
three periods. The first began in February 1917, with its end marked by the above-mentioned
“Regulations for Weekly Rest and Holidays” issued in December 1918. The second period spanned January 1919 to January
1925, when to the already considerably shaped calendar was added the date of
Lenin’s death (January 21), called Den’ traura (“The Day of Mourning”).
This date had immense ideological significance at the time; all holidays in
1924 were presented to the public under the unifying slogan Net Lenina! (“We do not have Lenin!”). In subsequent years this slogan disappeared, but
Lenin’s name was always used in discourse concerning Soviet holidays, thus giving
them a common element. In 1924 another
change was made in the calendar: the Christian holidays were scheduled
according to the Gregorian calendar. The
Soviet government based this on a decision made at the All-Russian Church
Council in June 1923 concerning the acceptance of the Gregorian calendar by the
Russian Orthodox Church. [11] In January 1923 the Church switched back to the
Julian calendar, but the state calendar did not reflect this. As a result,
almost all the religious holidays became working days, and this became another
very strong instrument for the Bolsheviks’ battle with the Russian Orthodox
Church. The third period of the Bolshevik calendar spanned January 1925 to
September 1929, when the new calendar took its roots in the Soviet society
while new special dates – although working days – were added almost every year.
In this study
I examine the first period of the Bolshevik calendar’s development. During this period the base for the new Soviet
calendar, which was then in use until 1929, was formed and the Bolsheviks’
intentions in the calendar change became already clear. The February Revolution can be seen as the beginning of this
shaping, as it introduced the political freedoms that allowed the Bolsheviks to
begin to organize and form the new special dates. The most important measures
that provided these opportunities were the permission of newspaper publication
and the organization of public demonstrations.[12] Along with the day of the Bolshevik coup on
October 25, 1917, the Bolshevik government already had a rather long list of special
dates which was extended in the following, 1918, year. The reform of the ritual year in December 1918
was a result of these activities.
Building the
new ritual year was viewed by the Bolsheviks as a part of building a new
society. The old calendar had to disappear as the old society disappeared. Therefore, before creating the system of new
Soviet holidays, the new government changed the calendar as a measurement of
time. Thus it was on January 24, 1918
that the decree of changing from the Julian to the Gregorian calendar in Soviet
Russia was issued. This decree stated:
For the purpose of establishing in Russia the same measurement of time that almost all the advanced nations use, the Council of
People Commissars has decided to introduce into civil use the new calendar at the end of
January of this year.[13]
If we take
into account the haste with which the calendar reform was introduced (it was
discussed already on November 16, 1917) as well as the terrible economic
situation in the country (which the reform only worsened, because it brought
new problems to the administration on all levels) we can presume that the
introduction of the reform was less a business decision and more a political
and symbolic one.
The“Regulations
for Weekly Rest and Holidays” issued on December
2, 1918, stated:
Work is prohibited during the following
holidays, devoted to commemoration of the
historical and social events: a) 1 January
– New Year; b) 22 January – Day of “9 January
1905”; c) 12 March – Overthrowing the
Autocracy; d) 18 March – Day of the Paris
Commune; e) 1 May – Day of International;
f) 7 November – Day of the Proletarian Revolution. [14]
The special
dates for this list, as I already mentioned, were indeed marked as special in
the major newspapers.[15] Recognition of
these dates was made not only by publishing articles with information about the
new prazdniki,
but by visual and rhetorical methods as well: the announcements were printed in
a larger font, and the signal phrases were often repeated. For example, when
the Bolsheviks organized the demonstration against the Provisional Government,
scheduled for June 18, the June 17,
1917 issue of Pravda published
this announcement: Zavtra demonstratsiia! (“Tomorrow a public
demonstration will take place!”); then the article follows, which explains its
goals, as well as the list of slogans. In the issues of the June 20 and the 21
they then published articles with titles that reminded readers about the dates
of the event: Krestiane 18 iiunia (“The Peasants on June 18”), Ulitsa 18
iiunia (“The Street on June 18”), Vosemnadtsatoe iiunia (“Eighteenth of June”), and a poem Na Nevskom 18 iiunia (“On the Nevskii on June 18”). It seems that
the newspaper purposefully repeated the date in order to make the reader
remember it, which would help later on if it was necessary to include the date
in the state calendar.
The fact that
the process of building a new calendar took place largely in newspapers is
evident from the discussion in their pages concerning the search for that most
important day which could be proclaimed as the beginning of the new era.[16] Paul Ricoeur defines one of the most important
characteristics of any calendar a designation of “a founding event, which is
taken as beginning of a new era – the birth of Christ or of the Buddha, the
Hegira, the beginning of the reign of a certain monarch.”[17] The search for
the most important date began from the very first issues of both newspapers: in
the first issue of Pravda on March 5, 1917, the editorial K momentu (“To the Moment”)
begins with the statement: “On February 23 the Great Russian Revolution began.” Another article in the same issue begins from exultant sentence that describes
the events of the February Revolution as almost fantastic celebration:
How
fast everything has happened! As a fairytale, as a fantasy – beautifully and
solemnly. In one day people have
experienced as much as in other time they would not experience even during the whole year, and these few
days are as an abyss which divides us from the past.
The day of the
Revolution had to be completely different from any other days in history: not
only did it have to be triumphant, fantastic, and fairy-tale-like, but the time
itself should not follow the law of nature, so that the experience of a whole
year could be squeezed into one day. Such
hyperbole helped symbolically to
build a more significant boundary between new and old eras.
Women played a
great role in spreading the rebellious mood in Petrograd
during the February revolution. Thus, the same article points out that the most
important changes in the mass uprising happened on International Women’s Day:
On 23 February – on Women’s Day – the
strike was announced at most of factories and
plants. Women were in a militant mood…
They were appearing at the factories and plants and
were taking [men] from working places. In
general, the Women’s Day was outstanding, and
the
revolutionary temperature began to climb.
The coincidence
of one of the important days of the Revolution with the International Women’s
Day was so promising for the creation of the first day of the new era that the
idea to connect the beginning of the Revolution to this particular day was,
obviously, very popular among the Bolsheviks: many articles in Pravda repeated
this idea. We can presume that this
intention stemmed from the two main reasons: first, the amalgamation of the two prazdniki in one was the general Bolshevik policy while
creating a new ritual year. This policy
was not one of the Bolsheviks’ original inventions, but rather another case of
a general practice characteristic of any political regime, namely that “if an
event coincides with a date already symbolically charged with meaning, it can often
give a new twist to an old set of customs.”[18] Second, for the Bolsheviks it
was very important that their calendar be analogous to the traditional
agricultural and religious calendars, where the beginning of the new era was
associated with the birth of a god or rebirth of nature (and, consequently,
with the image of mother). Thus the
celebration of International Women’s Day, when women symbolically gave birth to
the Revolution, united the traditional Christian and newborn Bolshevik
ideology.
The second
issue of Pravda, from March
7, 1917, begins with the editorial Velikii den’ (“The Great
Day”), which is written in the form of slogans. This article explicitly states
that the women’s uprising defined the fate of the Revolution and that the first
day of the Revolution is the Women’s Day. The article Privetstviie russkoi rabotnitse (“Greetings to the Russian Working Woman”) in Pravda on March 10 again states that the real prazdnik of
the Revolution happened on February 23:
Comrade
working women! The bright sun came out
this spring for us as well, and for us the dawn
of freedom became radiant. And the dawn began precisely on our Women’s Day,
February 23. We were the first who went
to take our male comrades away from their working places on this day, we were
the first who poured into streets, to the city Duma,
stopped the streetcars and called the public to join us. Our holiday was the
first day of the general strike, which then did not stop until the complete
collapse of the old regime. We were happy, comrades! As they say, everything
starts from our light hand.
In reality,
the first day of the Revolution was difficult to pinpoint because the public unrest in Petrograd took
place over a long period. The Bolshevik press used this situation as an opportunity for appointing the
day of the Revolution on the International Women’s Day. However, they soon gave
up this idea and accepted the days of the February Revolution as February 27
and 28.
The idea of
special significance of the days of the Revolution is seen in many articles
published in March and April of 1917. For example, in Pravda on March
10, 1917, the article Revolutsiia v Moskve (“The Revolution in Moscow”)
informs the reader: “1 March. Moscow
experiences a great historical day. From morning the streets are full of
people. Headed by military regiments
people march through the streets carrying red banners.” In the short note Soldatam-Deputatam (“To the Soldier-Deputies”) in the same issue of Pravda, the editors ask all
the soldiers to fix the events of the days of the Revolution in writing:
Comrade soldiers, representatives in the Soviets of Workers’ and Solders’ Deputies! It is necessary to keep in the people’s memory what was done during these great days by workers and peasants in grey soldiers’ overcoats. Bring to the editor’s office of “Pravda” information, short stories, descriptions of events that you witnessed. Let military regiments’ marching off for the sake of freedom from the Tsar’s autocracy be forever reflected on the pages of history.
Before the
October coup, the February Revolution was presented by the Bolshevik press as a
great prazdnik,
and even its half-year anniversary was a cause for celebration. On August 27, 1917, the newspaper Rabochii (a
contemporary title for Pravda at that period) published the
slogan Segodnia
polugodovshchina nashei fevral’skoi revoliutsii (“Today is a Half-Year Anniversary of Our
February Revolution”): in fact, the entire issue is devoted to this
anniversary. The editorial of this
issue provides a day-by-day description of the February events in the form of a
diary, with the dates marked by a black font. Alongside the editorial is
another long article which is also written in the form of a diary, Dnevnik
soldata (“The Diary of a Soldier”). This article presents the same
information as the first one, but is written from the point of view of an
ordinary soldier who shares sentimental details about his emotions and
confusions. Such a deliberately private
description of events contributes to the illusion that this political event is
a private one, brought about by the activities of this ordinary soldier and
others like him, and thus deserving a mass celebration.
According to a
long list of meetings published in Izvestiia on
August 26, 1917, the
semi-annual anniversary of the February Revolution was celebrated quite widely.
However, on November 7, 1917
– that is, just two weeks after the October Revolution – in the article Dve
revolutsii (“Two Revolutions”), in Pravda, I. Bezrabotnyi argued that the February
Revolution was merely the first part of the larger proletarian revolution, the
results of which were used by the bourgeoisie. Pravda and Izvestiia took the same position on the first year anniversary of the February Revolution:
on March 12, 1918, Pravda published six large-font slogans which assured
readers that the importance of the February Revolution lay only in the fact
that it was the first stage of the proletarian revolution and that the working
people have to defend its achievements:
Today is the first anniversary of the
Socialist revolution. Workers and peasants! Stay on guard
of the achievements of the Revolution,
defend your Soviet power, remember that it is not
enough to obtain peace, freedom, land, it
is necessary to protect them from enemy. Be ready
for the defense of Russian
Socialist Republic
from all its enemies… with guns in your hands.
Remember that the world revolution is not
far away, that the proletariat of the whole world
hurries to our help!
All this shows
that one year after the February Revolution, when the event was still fresh in
the minds of the working classes who made it happen, it was impossible to
reject the February Revolution as the real revolution and explicitly put the
October coup above it.
It is also
worth noting that in the “Regulations for Weekly Rest and Holidays” of December
1918, the date of March 12, 1917 is called not a day of the Revolution, but rather a
day of Nizverzheniie
samoderzhaviia (“Overthrowing the Autocracy”). The date existed
under this name in the list of the new Soviet holidays up to 1929, at which
point it lost its status as a rest day. However,
the earliest change in semantics of this prazdnik was the Bolsheviks’ refusal to
see it as a beginning of the new era. Already
in April 1917, when it became obvious that the February Revolution had not
produced the results that the Bolsheviks expected, they turned to May Day as a
possible date for designation of the beginning of the new era.
May Day,
before and after the February Revolution, was the most important prazdnik for the Russian revolutionaries. After the
February Revolution it became possible to celebrate it openly. Thus, the new
vision of this prazdnik was offered by Vladimir Bonch-Bruevich [19] in the
article Gotov’tes’
k pervomu maia (“Be Prepared for May Day”), which was published in Pravda on the front page on March 29, 1917.
While pointing to the major significance of this prazdnik for revolutionary movements around the world,
he gives instructions as to what must be done during the celebration:
The prazdnik of the First May is the biggest
proletarian world prazdnik… We all have to be ready for this prazdnik…
No work should be allowed on this day… It is necessary to work out the plan for
the city-wide demonstrations, gatherings, meetings in living quarters, districts,
plants, factories… There are only three
weeks left before the prazdnik, and, comrades, we must not waste
a single minute.
In order to
mark the new chronological point as May 1, Pravda initiated an unauthorized reform of
the calendar: the issue of Pravda of April 18, 1917, was dated “1 May
(18 April) 1917.” The demonstration devoted to May Day in 1917 was also
organized on April 18. In the poem Pervoie Maia ( “May the First”), published
in Pravda on April 18, 1917, Kuz’ma Terkin describes
this spring celebration using the traditional idiom vstretit’ Novyi God ( “to
meet the New Year”):
With a loud song of victory
We’ll meet new May Day!
Alongside this
poem is published a free translation of Walt Whitman's poem “Song” where the
beginning of the new time is also marked:
Let darkness disappear, long live light!
We are the heralds of the new times!
The New Year
celebration is traditionally connected with the rebirth of the sun and nature
in general, and in the Pravda’s articles the phrase vozrozhdeniie
Internatsionala (“the rebirth of the International”) was repeated
numerous times.
Another
important theme of this prazdnik was
a push to stop the war which also contributed to the meaning of May Day as a
dividing point between the old era of suffering and the new era of happiness:
That is why the
meaning of the May Day celebration this year is so great. By triumphantly celebrating
this day, the Russian working class will again prove its firm will to put an
end to the insanity of the war … in the face of the whole world, to express its
protest against the bloody slaughterhouse … This
joint demonstration of the socialists of all countries … will be an
unprecedented celebration of the ideas of International. [20]
The articles
that covered the demonstrations emphasized only their great successes. For
example, in Izvestiia on April
20, 1917, the editorial 1 Maia v Petrograde (“1 May in Petrograd”)
states:
On the day of May
the first, the eyes of all nations were directed to
Russia
.
The celebration by the whole country on the day of the proletarian prazdnik of
May Day of 1917 proved to the whole world that the slogans of the Russian
proletariat had become the slogans of the country, that the call … to stop the
war is the call … of the whole
Russia
.
This article
points not only to the great number of people that participated in the
demonstration, but also to the signals of ‘proletarian victory’ such as the
participation of the representatives of different social groups, as well as the
slogan Da
zdravstvuet Internatsional! (“Long Live the International!”) on the Mariinskii
Palace, which was occupied by the
Provisional Government. The article explicitly stated that the demonstration
achieved its goal of sending a message to other nations to stop the war. Thus
the meaning that the Bolsheviks placed on the celebration of May Day in 1917
was very substantial: this prazdnik was
meant to demonstrate that the world revolution would really happen, that the
new International would be created, that the Bolshevik political platform was
supported by the whole country, and that the main aim of the Bolshevik party was
to stop the war. All these shades of meanings belong to the category of
cardinal change, which was always a characteristic of the genuinely popular
mass celebrations. As Mikhail Bakhtin
writes: “[T]through all the stages of historic development feasts were linked
to moments of crisis, of breaking points in the cycle of nature or in the life
of society and man. Moments of death and revival, or change and renewal always
led to a festive perception of the world.” [21]
By 1918 the
Bolsheviks had again changed the theme of this prazdnik (as well as the
themes of all prazdniki) upon
acquiring political power.[22] On April 23, 1918, the editorial in Pravda stated that the celebration of May Day in
subsequent years should differ from the previous ones. The article asserted that the old slogans
should be changed to reflect the new political situation. It argued that the
first main slogan should be Kto ne truditsia – tot ne est! (“He Who
Does Not Work, Neither Shall He Eat!”), because the Russian proletariat had
already taken the reins of political power. It also argued that the slogan Voina –
voine! (“War on the War!”), which reflected the Bolshevik
determination to end the war with
Germany
,
should be replaced by Da zdrzvstvuet spravedlivaia
voina – v zashchitu sotcialisticheskogo otechestva! (“Long Live a Just War for Defense of the Socialist Fatherland!”). Likewise, the
call for the establishment of socialism, should be replaced by the slogan, Da
zdravstvuet Sovetskaia respublika, provodiashchaia sotsialism v zhizn’! (“Long Live to the Soviet
Republic That Brings Socialism to
Life!”).
In the first
decade after the Revolution, the treatment of May Day by Party ideologists also
reflected their hope for a world proletarian Revolution. As this hope gradually
disappeared, the enthusiasm for its celebration decreased. [23] In 1926, for example, the propaganda for this prazdnik in Pravda was minimal, and was actually replaced by propaganda for
Lenin’s birthday: the communist ideologists used the fact that Lenin was born
in April and tried, although unsuccessfully, to replace Easter celebration by
the celebration of the birth of Lenin as
the ‘new God.’ However, after 1926 the
importance of May Day was reestablished in both newspapers with different
semantics of the ‘celebration of labor.’
After the
October Revolution, the idea of establishing November 7 as the beginning of the
new era became quite popular. [24] Mikhail
Koltsov, in his article S Novym Godom . . . (“Happy New Year . .
.”), published in Pravda on January 1, 1925, while rejecting
January 1 as the beginning of the new year, explicitly stated: “This
unjustified ritual will soon be
canceled… [We] will go farther, our own
way, with our own history and our own chronology, not from the birth of Christ,
but from the birth of the Revolution.” However,
this idea had already been put forth in 1918, when the first anniversary of the
Revolution was organized. The article K pervoi godovshchine Oktiabr’skoi revolutsii (“On the first Anniversary of the October Revolution”), published on October 22, 1918, in Izvestiia, began with the words: Revolutsia – novaia zhizn’,
novaia era (“The Revolution is a New Life, a New Era”).
The Bolsheviks
did not conceal their hope that the first October anniversary could trigger the
world revolution. In Izvestiia on November 3, 1918,
for example, we read:
The workers and
peasants of
Russia
,
while preparing themselves for the anniversary of their Revolution, are
fortunate to prepare themselves for the universal prazdnik of working people –
the prazdnik of the world socialist revolution. The October Revolution becomes a
world revolution. The October date – this red date in the revolutionary
calendar – establishes the beginning of the new chronology not only in
Russia
.
The prazdnik of the October days is a worldwide prazdnik. We are “on the eve.” On the eve of not only the Great Anniversary
of the Revolutionary Chronology. We are
on the eve of the triumph of the proletarian International.
The articles
that cover the organization of the celebration of the first anniversary of the
October revolution persistently repeat the idea of making it prazdnik
edineniia i dovol’stviia (“holiday of uniting and content”).[25] Many other articles announce that during the
days of the celebration people will receive a larger daily ration and that free
lunches will be served. There are also
many articles that discuss contemporary theatrical performances. Notably, the most important event was to be
the symbolic burning of the old regime on the night before November 7:
Information for readers and authorities in the districts: on the first day of celebration, on the evening of November 6, there will be no demonstrations, but only meetings, lectures, concerts, and performances. After them, however, it is suggested that the celebrations should be finished by gathering on the main squares of every district, and the theme of these evening gatherings should be a symbolic annihilation of the Old Regime and the birth of the New Regime of the Third International. [26]
Figures made
of straw really were burned even on the Red Square:
The crowd begins to move toward Lobnoie
Place:
“Now they will set fire to the village kulak.”
“Look, look, here he is.”
Some kind of a straw figure appears above people's heads, and one of the members of the Committee of the Poor brings a torch to it. [27]
The most
explicit statement about the plan to make November 7 the first day of the New
Year is formulated in the article Obrashcheniie k uchasheisia molodiozhi (“Address to the Young Students”), published on November 2, 1918:
Right now the solemn, tragic and happy overturn is happening, about which Marx said that the whole history of humankind is an ordinary introduction to it. There is nothing
strange in the idea that from now on the chronology should start from the special day 25 October (7 November), but not from the birth of Christ, which has lost its meaning for us. What the Great
French Revolution did not achieve—the complete renewal of the earth’s face—the Great Russian Revolution will achieve.
This indicates
that the anniversary of the October revolution in 1918 was planned as a
rehearsal of the prazdnik, which had
to replace the celebrations of Christmas, New Year and Maslenitsa. The birth of the New Regime had to replace the birth of
Christ, and the dates – the 6th and 7th – in November perfectly corresponded to the dates
in January when the Orthodox Christmas is celebrated. All of the traditional features of the New
Year celebration were reported in the newspapers: night carnival, the striking
of the clock, plenty of food, fireworks, a noisy and happy crowd, a fully
decorated city. The traditional burning out of a straw figure during the Maslenitsa celebrations, which
symbolized the end of cold season and the rebirth of the warmth, was replaced
by the burning out of the symbols of the old regime.[28]
Newspaper
coverage of New Year’s Day, January 1, shows that the Bolshevik ideologists
viewed this day merely as a starting-point for counting the calendar days –
that is, without any real significance as a holiday. This idea was later
reflected in the calendars as well:
The Prazdnik of the new year has its origins in the historical period of slavery, not in
Christianity at all… New Year’s Day has its significance only for the counting
of the years, but for such purpose we can choose some other day, for example,
the anniversary of the October revolution. [29]
The first day
of the New Year was designated in the “Regulations” as a rest-day. However,
reading issues of Pravda and Izvestiia from post-Revolutionary years, we can conclude that creation of this rest-day
was merely a reaction to the political situation of the time, comparable with a
permission to celebrate the religious holidays. The new government did not dare
reject all traditional holidays in the new calendar until 1929, when New Year’s
Day was finally rejected as a rest-day. This
holiday, indeed, could be used to replace Christmas and Epiphany, however it is
obvious that the utopian idea of starting the new year from May 1 or November
7, and the beginning of the new era in 1917, remained popular until 1954.
However, the official ideology could not change the population’s perception of
New Year’s Day as a great feast. It was
celebrated privately in the Soviet Union even during the
darkest period of the Stalin’s purges. As to a symbolic beginning of the new
socialist era, the date of November 7,
1917 was presented as such throughout the Soviet Union’s
existence, especially in the propagandistic educational texts.
Another two prazdniki listed in the “Regulations” have a very different history. One, the Memorial Day for victims of the “Bloody
Sunday” of January 9, 1905,
lasted about 40 years before being rejected as a rest day by Khrushchev’s
government. The other, the Day
of the Paris Commune, ceased to be a rest day even earlier, in 1929. Analysis
of newspaper material devoted to these two prazdniki demonstrates that both special
dates had one common feature: they were created by the Bolsheviks in response
to their opponents during the political struggles of the first years after the
October Revolution.
The
introduction of the January 9 Memorial Day in the Bolshevik calendar has an
interesting history in itself: obviously, it was created as a part of a January
1918 policy aimed at eliminating the Constituent Assembly.[30] The Bolsheviks dispersed the Assembly on
January 5, 1918, and their political opponents organized the demonstrations and
protests against this Bolshevik action on the following days. The dates of all these events were very close
to January 9, and the opposition doubtlessly used this fact to blame the
Bolsheviks for betraying the ideals of the 1905 Revolution. Writing a “response” to those accusations, the
author of the article Trinadtsataia godovshchina (“The Thirteen-Year Anniversary”), published
in Pravda on January
9, 1918, attempted to justify the Bolshevik rejection of the goals
of the First Russian Revolution:
The Revolution of
1905 was a bourgeois revolution, in spite of the fact that it was created by
the hands of workers and peasants… [T]he
radical political demand of the working class of that period was the
Constituent Assembly… The thirteenth anniversary of January 9 coincided with the collapse of the
Constituent Assembly, which was left behind on the back-yards of history by the
mad rush of the new revolution. The working class already outgrown the baby’s
diapers in which it was wrapped up even in the mad year of 1905 . It does not
limit itself to revolutionary-democratic claims… Its previous modest ideal, the democratic
republic, no longer satisfies the needs of current life.
In the same
article the author articulates the reason why January 9 should be a new
national prazdnik and a rest day: “Only we [31] are the
followers of the deeds of our great comrades, who died on 9 January thirteen
years ago. They died not in vain. A beautiful flower rose on their tombs. This
flower is the Great Russian Revolution.” It is likely, that the new government was
afraid of the possibility of widespread demonstrations that would have to be
put down by military force. Such events
would in turn produce an association with the violent suppression of the
demonstration on January 9, 1905,
an association which would have been very undesirable for the Bolshevik party.
This is likely an explanation for the extreme actions that were performed in
order to declare January 9 as a prazdnik. In the January 9, 1918,
issue of Pravda, we find a curious announcement: “Special
Committee of the defense of the city of Petrograd. 8 January, midnight.
The Petrograd Soviets of Workers’ and Solders’ Deputies decides to announce the
day 9 January as a National prazdnik of the Working and Peasantry
Russia.”
It is striking
that an exact hour of making of a decision was released to the public. We can
presume that the decision was made extremely hastily in the eve of January 9,
when the Bolshevik authorities realized that the demonstrations in Petrograd’s
streets would be inevitable on that special day. Consequently, the Bolsheviks tried to convince
the reading public that the prazdnik was,
indeed, planned at least one day prior to the actual day of its celebration.
In the next
issue of Pravda, on January
10, 1918, in the short article Den’ 9 ianvaria. Miting v Keksgol’skom polku (“9th of
January. The Meeting in the Keksgol’m Regiment”) the journalist describes his
own impressions from participation in meetings devoted to the celebration of
the new prazdnik. The most interesting detail of this
description is that no one word is said about the events that took place on January 9, 1905. For example, the
author states: “On that day I happened to visit four such meetings. Everywhere
only one question was an issue: will the people’s authorities manage their
responsibilities?” The author could not
even hide the fact that even the speaker at the meeting did not talk about the
event of 1905.
Perhaps this
hastily created prazdnik would not
have been secured in the calendar if the first stage of the struggle with the
Russian Orthodox Church had not occurred. In response to the decree of the separation of
Church and State, which was issued on January
20, 1918, in Petrograd and in Moscow
on January 28, large processions were organized, at which people read Patriarch
Tikhon’s first proclamation, an address to Orthodox Russians about organizing a
defense of their faith and Church. There is no doubt, that the new government
was concerned about the possibility of these processions being repeated in
subsequent years. In that context, the
annual commemoration of those who died during the religious processions in 1905
can be seen as a strong counter-response to the Church’s policy. [32]
Lenin’s death
on January 21, 1924,
breathed new life into the Memorial Day of January 9, 1905. A year after his death, on January 22, 1925, Pravda published two long articles. The first, Vladimir Il’ich Lenin i Gapon (“Vladimir
Il’ich Lenin and Gapon”) [33] was written by Nadezhda Krupskaia; the second, Lenin i
leningradskiie rabochiie (“Lenin and the Workers of Leningrad”), was
written by Grigorii Zinoviev. These articles clearly show that the Bolsheviks
tried to connect Lenin with the event of January
9, 1905. Both articles were
carefully printed on the same page; both were published on January 22 (Memorial
Day for the victims of Bloody Sunday); and both were devoted to the subject of
Lenin’s leadership of the Russian workers. Krupskaia’s article implies that Gapon was not
the real leader of the Petrograd workers at that time,
and that he initially was not able to organize people for revolt. The suggestion is that if Lenin had been
there, the massacre would not have happened and the Revolution of 1905 would
have been a victory for the Russian proletariat. Zinoviev’s article, meanwhile, argues that
there was an almost supernatural connection between Lenin and the workers in Petrograd
at the time of the First Russian Revolution. As he puts it, “As a genuine
proletarian leader, Vladimir Il’ich understood a working man in Paris,
in Krakow, in Zurich,
in Moscow – in any place where he
happened to live.”
These articles
each offer to the reader a connection between the two events. The calendars
also show that from 1926 onwards both Memorial Days were celebrated under
Lenin’s name. The Easter pattern, with one day of death and grieving, and
another of resurrection and joy, was repeated in this union, when resurrection
by divine force was merely replaced by resurrection by people’s memory.
As we have
seen, this particular Memorial Day of January 9, 1905, was special in that it
helped to counter the special religious dates while at the same time
emphasizing the significance of the day of Lenin’s death.[34] Later, after Stalin’s death, this rest day was
excluded from the list of the state holidays and quickly forgotten. By that
time, the anniversary of Lenin’s death had also lost its ideological weight,
while his birthday (April 22), which was associated with “leninskiie subbotniki,” and “leninskiie voskresniki” [35] became more
important for the propaganda machine due to the general Party policy of
blending together the working and spare time. Subbotniki and voskresniki were the ultimate embodiment of such amalgamation.
The next prazdnik among the six rest
days announced by the “Regulations” was
the Day of Paris Commune, which was to be celebrated on March 18. This was the most artificial of state
holidays: not only did it have no roots in Russian cultural history, but the
ideas of Paris Commune were obviously popular only among a selected few
professional revolutionaries. The creators of this prazdnik did not even know exactly when Paris Commune
was established. In the original text of
the “Regulations” (and in Izvestiia, where it was published), the date of the prazdnik is
March 10,[36] whereas in the Sobraniie Uzakonenii (“Compilation of
Regulations”)[37] it is given as March 19. This prazdnik was created with the aim of establishing a
precedent for the creation of a republic similar to Soviet Russia. Furthermore, the Bolshevik policy of terror
looked somehow more justifiable against the background of the events that took
place in
France
in 1870: the horrors of the suppression of the Paris
rebels by government forces could serve as an explanation for the ‘red terror’ of the new Soviet government.
On March 16, 1918, Pravda published an 'excerpt' from Marx's book The Civil
War in
France
1870-1871;[38]
this was essentially a short summary of Marx’s ideas about Paris Commune. Here
the reader learns about the organizational structure of the Paris Commune, its
army, and the communards’ struggle
with the clergy, as well as the free education that the Commune introduced. All of these measures corresponded perfectly
with the societal and political changes recently made by the Bolsheviks. In 1919, the articles in Pravda and Izvestiia developed
the idea of similarities further: Izvestiia allotted the whole page to the
48th anniversary of Paris Commune, with four articles were devoted
to it. The content and layout of these publications also demonstrated the
Bolsheviks’ interest in establishing this prazdnik. The first article, U federal’noi steny (“By the Federal Wall”), is a short historical
piece about the events in Paris in
1870-1871. It describes in detail the rout of the Commune by the French
military forces, with special emphasis on the public massacres:
Twenty five thousand men, women and
children who died in the battles or were killed after the battles; at least
three thousand men who died in prisons, prison hulks, forts or from diseases
they caught in prisons; thirteen thousand of convicted, most of whom for life;
seventy thousand women, children and elderly were left without providers who
were expelled from France: in general, no less than one hundred thousand
victims. [39]
The author
then goes on to suggest that the Russian Revolution is a continuation of the
Paris Commune:
Today, forty- eight years after the
beginning of the Paris workers’ struggle, the deeds of the Paris Commune triumph in Soviet Russia.
The day March 18 is a prazdnik over
the whole territory of the socialist Republic. The Great October Revolution of 1917 is a
logical continuation of the class war of the
French communards.
The second
article, Parizhskaia
kommuna i vozmozhnost’ revoliutsii v sovremennoi Frantsii (“The Paris
Commune and the Possibility of Revolution in the Contemporary France”),
provides an optimistic prognosis of the contemporary revolutionary movement in
France
.
The third article, Parizh i Versal’, Moskva i Parizh (“Paris
and Versailles, Moscow
and Paris”), suggests a parallel between the political situation in Paris
in 1871 and that of the post-Revolutionary period in
Russia
.
In this article, the author implicitly
suggests that if the Revolution in Russia should fail, a ‘Russian Versailles,’
that is, the Russian bourgeoisie, would kill millions of people: “If they had
achieved it, the world would have been shaken by grief and anger, because in
this case the Moscow River and Neva River would run red with the blood of
working people.” The fourth article, Rabochiie v
Parizhskoi Kommune (“Workers in the Paris Commune”), once again
emphasizes the number of victims among working people after the rout. It also discusses the devastating economic
effect the civil war had on
France,
and concludes that “Thus, French industry was destroyed for many years to
follow because of the victors’ blind anger and spite.”
Together,
these four articles suggest that if the Russian Revolution should fail, life in
Russia would not be improved economically, that millions of people would likely
be killed because of the “bourgeoisie’s revenge” and that even those who
survived would suffer because of the economic crisis. In his conclusion, the author articulates his
hope that the Day of the Paris Commune will be a real prazdnik: “We are fighting,
we will win: it will be our best revenge for the Commune’s death and the best
commemoration for the next, forty-ninth anniversary of its establishment.”
The Bolshevik
printed calendars also had the list of those prazdniki, which were working days. They were not
included in the list of the “Regulations,” but were printed under the title Godovshchiny (Rabochiie dni) (“Anniversaries (Working Days))” in the calendars. The process of their shaping
was also reflected in both newspapers. They were the Day of the Red Army
(February 23), International Day of Working Women (March 8), the Day of the
Lena Massacre (April 17), and the Day of the Press (May 5).
In January and
February of 1918 Pravda and Izvestiia enthusiastically covered the regime’s
efforts to organize the Red Army. Although the Dekret ob organizatsii
Raboche-Krest’ianskoi Krasnoi Armii (“Decree of the Organization of
the Worker-Peasant Red Army”) was issued on January 15, 1918, [40] and was
published in Pravda and Izvestiia on
January 19, 1918, Pravda announced the Day of the Red Socialist Army on
January 28: “Today is the Day of the Red Socialist Army. The Red socialist Army is a loyal instrument
in the struggle for the Revolution, for socialism.” Both newspapers published long
lists of meetings devoted to the organization of the Red Army, and this also
contributed to the idea that the day of celebration should be on January 28
(February 10 by the New Style). Some
weeks later, however, Pravda proclaimed
the day of the Red Army to be March
22, 1918, perhaps due to the new wave of recruitment:
Workers! All poor
working people of city and country! Only
after the creation of the strong Red Army you will manage to hold the victory
over the gentry and bourgeoisie. Today, on the day of the Red Army, tell … your
enemies that you will defend socialism, land and freedom with guns in your
hands.
The day of the
Red Army was not an official prazdnik in 1918, and, significantly, Soviet high officials did not issue a government decree
about this special day even in 1919. It
is difficult to say whose silent decision the coverage in Pravda and Izvestiia reflected, when they both proclaimed this
particular day, February 23, as a prazdnik in 1919. The choice of this date was
another demonstration of the Bolshevik blatant policy of creating an illusory
reality for people. February 23, 1918, was a most tragic day for the
Bolsheviks and the Red Army. This was the day on which the Soviet government
received a humiliating ultimatum from the German government after German troops
had made a 300-kilometer advance into Russian territory along the whole front
line. [41] The ultimatum was hastily accepted on February 24, 1918.[42] The establishment of the Day of the Red Army
on February 23 more likely happened because it coincided merely in numbers with
the day of the ultimatum of 1918 (according to the New Style) and of which the
women in Petrograd went out into the streets and so hastened the February Revolution of 1917 (according to the Old
Style). The party ideologists tried to change the meanings of both events and
used the new prazdnik as an instrument for this change.[43]
In the book Nashi
prazdniki, published in 1977, there is an explanation for the choice
of the date:
On these days
[18-19 February 1918] on the approaches to Pskov, Revel, Narva and other parts
of the front, the regiments of the young Red Army showed the firm and heroic
resistance to the German Kaiser’s army;
as a result, the enemy was stopped. 23
February became a historical date as the Day of the Red Army, as the day of its
birth.[44]
In other words, the day of Bolshevik political and
military bankruptcy was turned into a day of the Bolshevik triumph.
Another prazdnik that was presented in the Bolshevik printed calendars as an ‘anniversary’ –
that is, a special, but working day – was the International Day of Working
Women (a Soviet version of the International Women’s Day). It was established in 1910 at the Second
International Women’s Congress, but in
Russia
it was not even known until 1917. The memoirs of Major-General A.P. Balk, the
last Gradonachal’nik of Petrograd, demonstrate this.[45] Describing
the days of the February Revolution from February 23 to 28, 1917, as well as
the beginning of the insurrection, he notes that among the demonstrators were
many women: “In the crowds there are many ladies, even more working women,
students, but relatively fewer, in comparison with previous uprisings, working
men.”[46] He also admits that on that day “There are no
red flags; the agitators and the leaders of uprising are not seen. At the end
of day we still could not understand the cause of the people’s protest.”[47] At the end of his February 23 entry, he
provides an opinion of another General: “General Globachyov has reported to me
once more that for him the reason for today’s manifestation is completely
unknown and that perhaps tomorrow nothing will happen.”[48] Thus it seems that
no one among Petrograd’s authorities knew about the International Women’s Day.
This prazdnik was enthusiastically advertised in both newspapers, starting from March 1917.
However, in the 1918 newspapers, its meaning had changed: it now came out from
the shadows of the February Revolution and became a prazdnik with its own independent semantics. In 1918 there were still a few mentions about
its connection with the February Revolution, but the call to include women in
political activities prevails. Political
and social tendencies clashed during the time of its shaping. The Bolshevik
goal was to make it a day of the celebration of women’s involvement in
political life, but people in general, and women in particular, wanted to see
it as a celebration of femininity and motherhood. Pravda on March
6, 1924 stated:
The International Day of Working and Peasant Women
is the prazdnik of the whole proletariat. Its aim is one of general campaigning among
working women and of uniting them around Soviet power, of involving [them] with
the R[ussian] C[ommunist] P[arty]. It would be a real mistake to suggest that
the day of working women is exclusively ‘women’s’ day with flavor of feminism… The RCP does not create any women’s organizations.
L.F.
Tul’tseva, in her book Sovremennye prazdniki i obriady narodov SSSR (“The Current Holidays and Rituals of the Peoples in
USSR
”),
written in 1985 – that is, after many years of immense popularity of this prazdnik – writes about the history of its
establishment:
As time went by, the celebration of March 8 took
on some features of private life. In 1927 the working women celebrated this day
as their own prazdnik, cleaned their houses, prepared the feasts, put on
the best clothes. The family features of the celebration of 8 March continued
to develop during following years. In addition to the general meetings,
gatherings, manifestations there were parties and gatherings with games, dance,
songs on many factories.[49]
The author
could not write that the main appeal of the prazdnik was its orientation towards
female beauty and motherhood, and carefully chose the ‘middle’ ground of the
family orientation.
Another
special date fixed in the Bolshevik printed calendars was the anniversary of
the workers’ massacre by military forces at the gold mines near the river Lena
on April 4, 1912. In April
1917, Pravda published a number of short notes about meetings at the plants and factories to
commemorate the fifth anniversary of the Lena Massacre and to discuss current
events. For example, the article Den’ Leny. Rezoliutsia (“The Lena
Anniversary. The Resolution,” April 6) states:
We, some 4000 workers and solders of the Vasiliostrov
District, came to the meeting for commemoration of the comrades, killed at the
Lena mine, on 4 April, 1912, decided: 1. The Soviet of Workers’ and Solders’
Deputies has to demand that the Provisional Government put on trial all instigators
of the Lena massacre. 2. Regarding the decree of the Provisional Government… on
the transformation of district and rural police into the people’s militia, we
state that… in opposition to this decision… all people should be armed.
Following this
is a list of requirements and suggestions for the Provisional Government and
the Petrograd Soviets. On April 13,
1917, in the article Den’ Leny (“The Lena Anniversary), the
author writes that the workers at the meeting were greeting Lenin’s arrival. In 1918 and following years the event was also
covered with the same emphasis on present-day issues, that is, was presented as
a ‘lesson’ for the workers in their class struggle.
There were two
other reasons for the keeping this date as a special one in the ritual
calendar. The first is that the Lena
events happened in April, the month in which Easter was most often celebrated.
This Memorial Day by its very existence placed the workers’ death alongside
that of Christ. The second reason was that the Soviet press made it known that
Lenin chose his pseudonym because of the name of the river Lena,
where he was in exile in 1897-1900. Lenin’s
return to
Russia
from abroad on April 3, 1917,
one day before the anniversary of the Lena massacre,
contributed to the possibility of creating a new special day in the calendar,
which could help to connect the Bolshevik leader with the Russian workers.
In 1917, Pravda moved to celebrate the ‘Day of the Press’ on May 5. On that date in 1912, the first issue of Pravda was published. In 1917 Pravda asked its readers to celebrate
this anniversary by way of financial support for the Bolshevik press. However, by 1918 the tone of the articles
devoted to the Day of Press had undergone a drastic change to a sentimental
mode. For example, the article Ko dniu rabochei pressy (“To the Day of
the Workers’ Press”) begins with this declaration of ‘love’ to Pravda: “The first love is never forgotten.” The
poem by Demian Bednyi, Vogzdiu. Tovarichshiu Leniny v den’ rabochei pechati posviachshaiu (“To the Leader. (“Dedicated to
Comrade Lenin on the Day of the Workers’ Press”) is also written in lyrical
style. The article Rabochaia pechat’ i proletarskiie pisateli (“The Workers’ Press and the Proletarian Writers”) is an emotional reminiscence
of the organization of Pravda in
1912. It is written in the relaxed tone
of victors who know that they have done their job well. Although the Day of the
Press never became an official rest day, it remained firmly entrenched in the
Soviet calendars. During Khrushchev’s reforms of the ritual year it became one
of the many professional prazdniki, and its revolutionary
significance disappeared.
It should be
pointed out that most of the prazdniki mentioned
above were celebrated in spring. During the fall, only the Anniversary of the
October Revolution was celebrated, while January saw only New Year’s Day and
January 9. Fall and summer prazdniki were gradually added to the calendar during
the period of 1925 -1929, but were not actually rest days. All this shows that
in establishing the prazdniki, the Bolsheviks targeted the two
periods that contained the most important Christian holidays: Christmas and
Easter.
The prazdniki that were working days were the fastest-growing and most dynamic group in the
Soviet calendar. They variously appeared
and disappeared from the Soviet calendar depending who was in power (i.e.
Lenin, Stalin or Khrushchev). Their quota was equal to the number of days in
the year, since potentially every working day could be a prazdnik. In fact, the most notable increase in the
number of such prazdniki occurred in the post-Stalin period, when many prazdniki associated
with particular professions were added to the calendar. In the post-perestroika years the number of prazdniki associated with single groups
within society had a tendency to grow as well.
In post-Revolutionary issues of Pravda and Izvestiia we can find not only coverage of those prazdniki that later
appeared in the printed calendars, but also those that were not developed into
the real prazdniki.
However, the press tried to draw the public attention to them as to the ‘potential’ prazdniki.
On March 23, 1917, a funeral was
conducted for the victims of the February Revolution, and both newspapers
presented this as a potential day of national mourning. In both newspapers the funeral was described
as a grand demonstration.[50] Although
in 1917 Pravda and Izvestiia marked this day as a potential special day in the ritual year, by 1918 the
newspapers had already ceased to mention the funeral, perhaps because of the
general rejection of the February Revolution as a “real revolution.”[51]
Lenin’s return
to
Russia
on April 3, 1917 was also presented in Izvestiia as a prazdnik in the article Priezd Lenina (“Lenin’s
Arrival”). The description of the people gathering at the Finland Station in Petrograd
is strikingly similar to those that later describe the processions that
occurred on May Day and on June 18,
1917. For example, the names
of the plants, factories and military regiments that sent their representatives
to the meeting, as well as the descriptions of flags, speeches, and happy
people, are all similar. The particular significance of the date of Lenin’s
return was that Easter in 1917 was celebrated on April 2, and it opened the
possibility of creating a holiday that could replace Easter. In 1918 Pravda attempted to remind to the readers
of the first anniversary of Lenin’s return to
Russia
,
but this short article was merely a summary of the year-old article. This
feeble attempt to create a prazdnik clearly
associated with Lenin was obviously a failure. Such a holiday was not created until 1924 and
was, actually, associated with his death.
On May 14, 1917, Izvestiia announced a new special date: the Day of the
Red Carnation. They called for the “city’s democratic people” to buy a
carnation. This was a fundraising effort for printing soldiers’ books, and
shows that already by May 1917 the idea of creating a special day for
recognition of soldiers was in place. A similar attempt to fix a new special
date was made in Izvestiia on June 3,
1917, on the anniversary of the dispersal of the Second State Duma
in 1907. The article Desiat’ let (“Ten Years”) offers the dates
of the events first, and only describes the events themselves afterwards. Two slogans are significantly united here: “On
3 June, 1907, the Second
State Duma was disbanded, on 3 June,
1917, the meetings of the First All-Russian Revolutionary
Parliament began.”
Both
newspapers discuss very carefully the organization of the demonstration on June 18, 1917. This date was never given a name, and was left
in the press and history books merely as the day of demonstration, although the
main slogan of the day was short and meaningful: Chleba! Mira! Svobody! (“Bread! Peace! Freedom!”)[52] Nearly
every article concerning this event in both newspapers includes the date “June
18.” A year later, in 1918, only one article was written about the demonstration
which was in fact devoted to a different subject, namely, the Bolshevik
disagreement with the leaders of the Second International. Thus this date also
failed to be special calendar date, although it was intended to be so.
The first
major prazdnik organized by the Party after the October Revolution was the one that had to
commemorate the signing of the peace agreement between Soviet Russia and
Germany
.
The celebration was planned for December
17, 1917 (December 30 according to the New Style). Pravda clearly stated that the goal of event was the making a new annual holiday: “This remarkable day of the first
demonstration devoted to peace will be immortalized in bright pages in the
annals of the Great Russian Revolution.”[53]
There is no
doubt that the Bolsheviks counted on the fact that the prazdnik commemorating the
end of a devastating war would be able
to replace Christmas and New Year’s Day;[54] as a result, they placed a great amount
of hope on this celebration. According
to repeated announcements in both newspapers, the groups of demonstrators had
to follow in a strict but elaborate order. They even printed an evening issue
of Pravda that was completely devoted to propaganda for the demonstration. However, this
highly desirable prazdnik turned out to be a complete failure. The Soviet
delegation left for Brest-Litovsk for the peace negotiations with the Germans
on January 9, 1918, only to
learn that
Germany
“demanded the transfer to German control of
Poland
,
Lithuania
,
Livland, Kurland and part of the territory inhabited by
Ukrainians and Belorussians.”[55] Although Trotsky did not sign the agreement,
the Soviet delegation was forced to do so later, on March 3, 1918, under even harsher terms. Thus there was nothing to celebrate the next
year on December 30, and the potential prazdnik was
deliberately ‘forgotten’ by Soviet propaganda.
All these
potential prazdniki,
although not necessarily developed into holidays or even special dates,
nonetheless created an alternative list of the dates which the Bolsheviks could
use for the creation of the new ritual year.
As we have
seen, the first variation of the Bolshevik calendar of 1918 was composed of
very different special dates. New Year’s
Day was included, although it was a very old civil prazdnik introduced by Peter the Great. May Day was also
known to the Russian workers even before the Revolution. Two other holidays,
the Day of Overthrowing of Autocracy and the Day of the October Revolution,
were created to commemorate the very current events of the 1917. Two other
holidays, the Memorial Day of January
9, 1905, and the Day of the Paris Commune, though associated with
important historical events, were nevertheless included into the calendar
because of unexpected turns in the political situation. Those prazdniki which addressed a large number
of people, on the other hand, such as the International Day of Working Women
and the Day of the Red Army, were not chosen as rest days – that is, they were
perceived by party ideologists as of secondary importance. The Day of the Lena
Massacre was also a working day, although it was commemorated a revolutionary
event no less important for the revolutionary movement in
Russia
than “Bloody Sunday.” The most carefully organized demonstrations, those which
were expected to become annual holidays, were forgotten almost instantly. The
calendar also included ten non-working days for the celebration of the
religious feasts, that is, it retained a substantial part of the
pre-Revolutionary Christian Orthodox calendar.[56]
The salient
inconsistencies of the Bolshevik calendar reflected not only the chaos of
revolutionary times, but also how its creators pictured their own work, for
they doubtlessly viewed the post-Revolutionary calendar as a temporary
phenomenon.[57] One justification of
this hypothesis is the fact that the calendar of 1930 differed radically from
the Bolshevik calendar of 1918-1929. For
example, the ten rest days that people were allowed to use as religious
holidays were excluded. Three prazdniki – New Year’s Day, the Day of the
Overthrowing of the Autocracy, and the Day of the Paris Commune – also lost
their status as rest days. Only the Memorial Day of January 9, 1905, May Day,
and the Day of the Proletarian (October) Revolution were left as rest days.[58]
In the explanatory note to the Postanovlenie SNK SSSR ot 24 sentiabria 1929 g. o
rabochem vremeni i vremeni otdykha v predpriiatiiach i uchrezhdeniiach,
perechodiashchich na nepreryvnuiu proizvodstvennuiu nedeliu (“Decree of the Council of People’s Commissars
of USSR of September 24, 1929, on working time and resting time in the
organizations that accept an uninterrupted week of production”), which
legitimated this new Stalin calendar, it is written that “for the majority of
workers and employees of those plants and organizations that switched to the uninterrupted
working week, the religious prazdniki and almost all the other
prazdniki have lost their historical meaning of the common rest days and
celebrations.” [59] Thus the preliminary calendar of 1918-1929 had played its
role and had to disappear.
The process of
shaping the Soviet calendar had its own logic, however, one which was defined
by Bolshevik policy. This logic can be
understood by analyzing the Kalendar’ kommunista na 1930 god (“Calendar of a Communist for
1930”) and Kalendar’-
ezhegodnik kommunista na 1931 god (“Year Calendar of a Communist for
1931”). These were state Soviet
calendars, created at the beginning of the new Stalinist period of the Soviet
calendar. In the former calendar, the
five-day week was introduced, while only five revolutionary common holidays
remained. In the latter, even greater
changes were added: the dates associated with the history of the Communist
Party, the Young Communist League, the Communist International, the
International of the Trade Unions, and the Soviet Congresses were presented in
detail, while the majority of the special historical dates were presented as of
a secondary importance. The number of every year was dual: the first indicated
the number starting from Christ’s birth, and the second from the establishment
of Soviet power. For example, the year 1931 had also the number “The Fourteenth
Year of the Proletarian Revolution.” Thus this new “Stalin” calendar was
similar to the traditional one only in the numbers of days and months. The
symbolic function of the calendar, meanwhile, became completely different: even
the traditional calendrical units, which were originally based on natural
seasons and rotations of the moon and the sun, were replaced by the units
created by the communists. These units
were the dates of congresses of the various communist organizations. Moreover,
all the holidays, rest days and working days as well, were united by the same semantics
of the development of the revolutionary movement in
Russia
and in the whole world.
The decree “Regulations
for Weekly Rest and Holidays” of December
2, 1918, was a product of the Bolsheviks’ efforts toward the
creation of a new ritual year, first of all, through the press. The main goal of the coverage, devoted to the
special dates and prazdniki, was to
demonstrate that every prazdnik really happened: each one was
announced, its meaning explained, and its celebration and outcome were
subsequently covered as well. It was unimportant whether these prazdniki became popular or were supported by people,
because according to the newspapers, they did exist. The Bolshevik calendar
that the “Regulations” legitimated derived from the existing, at least, in Pravda and Izvestiia, new special dates.
Notes
1. Poole,
Robert. Time's
Alternation: Calendar Reform in Early Modern
England
. London:
UCL Press, 1998. 7.
2. The dates before February 1, 1918 (when the calendar reform came into
effect) will be given according to the Old Style, and the dates after February 1, 1918 – according to the New Style.
3. Dekrety
Sovetskoi vlasti. Tom 4. Moskva: Gos. izd. politicheskoi literatury,
1957. 122-124.
4. The media material
allows studying these processes on the micro level, while the printed calendars
allow this only on the macro level.
5. Etzioni, Amitai. “Introduction. Holidays and Rituals: Neglected Seedbeds of Virtue.” Etzioni, A. and J. Bloom eds. We Are What We Celebrate. Understanding Holidays and Rituals
New York: New York UP, 2004. 1-40. 8.
6. Kalendar’ Almanach na 1918 god: Satira i iumor. 1918.
7. Prazdnik – sing., prazdniki – plural.
8. In Dal’s dictionary the meanings of the word ‘prazdnik’ include both, working and rest days. Dal’, Vladimir. Tolkovyi
slovar’ zhivogo velikorusskogo iazyka. Tom 3. Moskva: Gos. izd.
inostrannych i natsional’nych slovarei.,1956. 381.
9. In order to
differentiate the calendar as a cultural phenomenon from the calendar as a
text, I use the phrase “the printed calendar” when I indicate the later.
10. Prazdnovaniie
9 ianvaria. (“Celebration of January 9”). Pravda. January 27 (15),
1918.
11. Roslof, Edward E. Red Priests:
Renovationism, Russian Orthodoxy, and Revolution.
Indianapolis: Indiana UP, 2002. 107.
12. Orlando Figes and Boris Kolonitskii write about the period between the February and October Revolutions: “There was an explosion of newspapers, many with a circulation of
millions, brochures, song books and dictionaries on political themes.” Figes, Orlando and Boris Kolonitskii. Interpreting the Russian Revolution: The Language and
Symbols of 1917. New Haven: Yale UP, 1999. 7.
13. Dekrety
Sovetskoi vlasti. Tom 1. Moskva: Gos. izd. politicheskoi literatury,
1957. 403. This and subsequence translations from Russian are mine.
14. Dekrety
Sovetskoi vlasti. Moskva: Gos. Izd. politicheskoi literatury.
1957. Tom 4. 122-124. In addition to these six rest days, the local authorities
were allowed to schedule another ten rest days, according to the local
traditions and religions.
15. The manifestations were organized on many of
these special days. Their organization was, obviously, one of the most
important ways that the Bolsheviks chose for agitation of the masses during
their struggle for power. On December
6, 1917, in Pravda, in the article Dve
revolutsii (“Two
Revolutions”), I. Bezrabotnyi, writes explicitly about this Bolshevik tactics:
Long before taking
the whole responsibility for the fate of the country on themselves… the
Bolsheviks, who constituted the minority in the Soviets, used any opportunity
to put a question of political power on their agenda. They chose for this the
strategy of pushing from below on the Soviet majority by organizing
demonstrations.
16. Eviatar Zerubavel points to the importance of the establishment of the beginning of the historical period for social groups and notes that the calendar plays a great role in the
establishment of such a beginning. Zerubavel, Eviatar. Time Maps: Collective Memory and the Social Shape of the Past. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2003.
17. Ricoeur, Paul. Time and
Narrative. V. 3. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1985. 106.
18. Aveni, Anthony F. The Book of
the Year. New York: Oxford UP, 2003. 86.
19. Vladimir
Dmitrievich Bonch-Bruevich (1873-1955) was one of the editors of Pravda and Izvestiia and often wrote in these
newspapers on the subject of the new holidays. His wife, V.M. Velichkina (1869-1918), had
already collected the literary works before the February Revolution, with
intention of using them in the new Soviet calendars: Pesni revolutsii. Sost. V.
M. Bonch-Bruevich (Velichkina). Moskva: Izdaniie Komiteta pamiati V.M.
Bonch-Bruevich (Velichkinoi). 1919. 6. The text of the “Regulations” was
obviously Bonch-Bruevich’s work, because the document has three signatures:
those of V. I. Lenin, the secretary and V. D. Bonch-Bruevich.
20. “1 Maia i voina” (“1 May and the War”). Izvestiia. April
29, 1917.
21. Bakhtin, Mikhail. Rabelais and His World. Trans. by Helene
Iswolsky. Cambridge: The M.I.T. Press, 1965. 9.
22. The yearly change of slogans for prazdniki was a
part of the Bolshevik policy in creating the new Soviet ritual year.
23. The slogans,
designed for May Day, continued to change quite radically until 1922. See:
Lane, Christel. The Rites of Rulers: Ritual in Industrial Society – The Soviet Case. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1981. 166
24. It is widely accepted that the most important prazdnik of the Soviet ritual year was the anniversary of the October Revolution.
However, before this happened, years of propaganda were required. The most
complete picture of the creation of this anniversary as an event that suited
the ideological needs of the Communist Party is given in the book: Corny,
Frederick C. Telling October: Memory and the
Making of the Bolshevik Revolution. Ithaca:
Cornell UP, 2004.
25. K
prazdnovaniiu godovshchiny oktiabr’skoi revoliutsii (“Toward the
Celebration of the Anniversary of the October Revolution”) Izvestiia. November 2, 1918.
26. K
prazdnovaniiu godovshchiny oktiabr’skoi revoliutsii (“Toward the
Celebration of the Anniversary of the October Revolution”) Pravda. November
1, 1918.
27. Prazdnik
Oktiabr’skoi revolutsii. Moskva. Illiuminatsiia. (“Celebration of the October Revolution”). Izvestiia. December
1, 1918.
28. In the articles of
the pre-anniversary period there are persistent descriptions of the content of
the daily ration for November 7. The contents vary, but butter is included in
every one. Traditionally, a lot of butter was eaten during Maslenitsa week.
29. Kalendar’
kommunista na 1925 god. 159.
30. The peaceful demonstration of citizens of Petrograd that marched toward
the Winter Palace to hand a petition to the tsar about
the terrible economic situation of working people ended with a massacre. This day is considered to be the beginning of the Russian Revolution of 1905-1907.
31. The words “imenno my” are printed in bold in the
original text.
32. In Russia, January 6 (January 19 according to the New Style) is the Epiphany, a very important prazdnik, especially for peasants,. The Bolshevik policy in creating the new
prazdniki was to place them in dates close to the religious ones.
33. The priest Gapon was an organizer of the procession.
34. This is one of
many cases which give the early Soviet calendar a quality of an obituary.
35. “Subbotniki”
were organized on Saturdays, and
“voskresniki” – on Sundays, when people
had to work for free. Lenin participated in some of the first subbotniki.
36. Izvestiia.
December 5, 1918.
37.
Sobraniie
Uzakonenii i Rasporiazhenii Rabochego i Krestianskogo Pravitel’stva.
1918; # 87-88. 905.
38. Marks, K.
Grazhdanskaia voina vo Frantsii (1870-1871g.) Moskva: Otdel Pechati Mosk.
soveta rab. i krasnoarm. deputatov, 1919.
39. This
paragraph is printed in bold in the newspaper text.
40. Dekrety
Sovetskoi vlasti. Tom 1. Moskva: Gos. izd. politicheskoi literatury,
1957. 352-358.
41. The Russian
Revolution 1917-1921. 180.
42. Dekrety
Sovetskoi vlasti. Tom 1. Moskva: Gos. izd. politicheskoi literatury,
1957. 497.
43. The International
Day of Working Women did not suffer from this replacement, because it was
already associated with March 8, not February 23.
44. Sinitsyn, V. G.
ed. Nashi
prazdniki. Moscow: 1977. 76.
45. Balk, F.P. “Gibel’
tsarskogo Petrograda: Fevral’skaia Revolutsia glazami gradonachal’nika A. P.
Balka,” Russkoie
proshloie: Istoriko-dokumental'nyi al’manach. Kniga 1. 1991. 7-72.
46. Balk, Gibel’ tsarskogo Petrograda 26.
47. Balk, Gibel’
tsarskogo Petrograda 27.
48. Balk, Gibel’
tsarskogo Petrograda 28.
49. L.F. Tul’tseva. Sovremennye prazdniki i obriady narodov
SSSR. Akademiia Nauk SSSR. Seriia “Strany i narody.” Moskva: Nauka,
1985. 34.
50. Orlando Figes and
Boris Kolonitskii also write that the Mars Field, where the bodies of the
victims were buried, became a central location for the great public gatherings
of 1917. In January of 1918, the
demonstrations of protest against dispersal of the Constituent Assembly took
place there as well. Figes, Kolonitskii. Interpreting
the Russian Revolution. 47.
51. Only some calendars indicate this day as that
of the funeral – for example, the Kalendar-spravochnik kommunista na 1923 god (“Reference-calendar
of a Communist for 1923”); the following year, however, in the Kalendar
kommunista na 1924 god (“Calendar of a Communist for 1924”) this
event is not mentioned.
52. See, for example:
White, James D. The Russian Revolution 1917-1921.
53. Istoricheskaia manifestatsia v chest’ vseobshchego democraticheskogo mira -- 17 dekabria (“Historical Manifestation in Honor of Worldwide Democratic Peace – December 17”). Pravda,
December 19, 1917.
54. The potential prazdnik was conveniently situated between the two
dates.
55. White The Russian
Revolution 1917-1921. 178.
56. The chaotic nature
of the early Bolshevik calendar is reflected in the fictional works of the
post-Revolutionary period. Vladimir Mayakovsky, for example, wrote many
propagandistic works on the subject of the new Soviet holidays. However, in his most intimate poems he
examines his private feelings on the background of the traditional calendar
narrative, based on life, death and resurrection of Christ. The unstable nature of the new Bolshevik
calendar is also the theme of many works of Mikhail Bulgakov; while Boris
Pasternak investigates the symbolic meaning of the special dates in the new
Bolshevik calendar and their illusory natures as well.
57. Even accepting the Gregorian calendar was seen
as a temporary measure. For example, in the Zametka k dekretu o vvedenii v Rossiiskoi respublike
novogo kalendaria (“Note to
the Decree on Introduction the New Calendar in the Russian
Republic”), printed alongside the
“Decree” in Pravda on January
25, 1918, is the following:
It is obvious that for
Russia
it is absolutely necessary to switch to the New Style that is accepted by the
advanced nations; as to the scientific improvement of the calendar, if such
need will occur, this should be done by the future international congress of
socialists, which will elaborate its system and propose its adoption all over
the world.
58. Starting in 1929, May Day and the Anniversary of the October Revolution were celebrated for two
days each.
59. Zakon o religioznych obiedinieniiach RSFSR.
Moskva: Bezbozhnik, 1930. 126. Postanovlenie SNK SSSR ot 24 sentiabria 1929 g.
rejected the traditional week with its common six working days and Sunday as a
common rest day, thus rejecting the calendar division on weeks. Every working
person had to have his own five-day week with one day of rest. As a result, the
production of goods supposed not to stop.
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